| |
 |
|
|
Peace
|
| |
|
How can peace be achieved?
|
| |
|
Peace can be achieved only through negotiations to bridge
gaps and resolve all outstanding issues. For negotiations
to be possible and for them to have a chance to succeed, Palestinian
terrorism and incitement, supported by Arab countries, must
be brought to an end.
Israel has always been willing to compromise and all Israeli
governments have been willing to make major sacrifices for
the sake of peace. However, peacemaking requires concessions
and confidence-building measures on both sides. Just as Israel
is willing to address the rights and interests of the Palestinians,
Israel has rights and interests that need to be addressed.
When in the past, Israel met Arab leaders, like President
Sadat of Egypt and King Hussein of Jordan, who spoke the language
of peace to their own people and were willing to take concrete
steps for peace, Israel reached agreements with them and peace
was achieved.
Only negotiations can lead to peace. Attempts by the Palestinians
and the Arab countries to compel Israel to accept Palestinian
demands or one-sided UN resolutions promoted by the Arab states
will not bring the parties closer to peace. UN Security Council
resolutions 242 and 338, which all parties in the region accepted,
provide an important outline for conducting negotiations on
a permanent settlement. Israel has also indicated, provided
certain important conditions are met, its readiness to implement
the measures of the Roadmap. But the Roadmap will work only
if the Palestinians fulfill their obligations, something they
have not even begun to do, especially when it comes to dismantling
the terrorist infrastructure and ending incitement, as required
in the first phase of the Roadmap.
Peacemaking requires the creation of a positive atmosphere,
one that is free of terrorism and incitement, and one that
promotes efforts to achieve mutual understanding. Israel had
on many occasions taken steps to help improve Palestinian
living conditions and the rehabilitation of the Palestinian
economy. Israel has made and is willing to make in the future
goodwill gestures as confidence-building measures - such as
easing restrictions by removing road barriers, lifting closures,
allowing Palestinian workers into Israel, and withdrawing
from Palestinian towns. Israel is ready to take these steps
provided that Israeli security is not harmed and that the
Palestinians do not respond with terrorism.
Positive steps taken by the Arab countries would also help
generate a positive atmosphere, as would re-energizing the
multilateral contacts and the Barcelona process, both of which
seek to promote regional cooperation. Positive movement and
cooperation on issues that affect the lives of all who live
in the region would contribute psychologically to tackling
the difficult political issues that need to be addressed and
resolved.
Finally, peace must mean the resolution of all claims and
the end of the conflict. Once a peace agreement is reached,
a new leaf must be turned and the relationship between Israel
and the Palestinians, as well as Israel's relationship with
all its neighbors must be put on a new footing, one characterized
by dialogue and cooperation, rather than by antagonism and
confrontation.
return to top
|
| |
|
How does Israel view the Roadmap?
|
| |
|
On May 25, 2003 the Government of Israel accepted the steps
set out in the Roadmap in the hopes that this initiative could
help achieve a negotiated peace with the Palestinians. However,
the Palestinians have yet to live up to their obligations
under the first phase of the Roadmap, primarily the "unconditional
cessation of violence."
The Roadmap is a performance-based guide that was formulated
by the members of the Quartet - the United States, the European
Union, Russia and the UN. Israel's acceptance of the Roadmap
was accompanied by comments that Israel considers integral
to its implementation. The United States committed itself
to fully and seriously addressing these comments. Moreover,
Israel attaches importance to President Bush's June 24, 2002
vision for achieving peace, as expressed also in the Roadmap.
In that speech, President Bush emphasized that achieving the
vision of two states living side-by-side in peace requires,
as a critical first stage, Palestinian reform and an end to
Palestinian terrorism.
Israel's acceptance of the steps of the Roadmap is yet another
expression of Israel's willingness to extend its hand toward
peace. Indeed the Government's decision reflects a readiness
to make profound compromises in order to end the conflict,
provided these compromises will not endanger Israel's security
in any manner. Furthermore, subject to security conditions,
Israel desires to contribute to the improvement of Palestinian
life and the rehabilitation of the Palestinian economy.
However, the Roadmap itself and Israel's willingness to move
forward require that the Palestinians live up to their obligations
at each and every phase. Of critical significance is the requirement
in the first phase of the Roadmap that the Palestinians undertake
an "unconditional cessation of violence" by dismantling
the terrorist infrastructure, confiscating weapons, and arresting
and disrupting those involved in conducting and planning violent
attacks on Israelis anywhere. The Palestinians must also end
incitement. By its own acceptance of the Roadmap, the Palestinian
Authority undertook an obligation to end terrorism and incitement
in the manner required by the Roadmap. Israel has emphasized
that these conditions are essential before progress can be
made on moving into the second phase of the Roadmap.
The Government of Israel considers its comments to the Roadmap,
along with the American commitment to address these commitments,
as key to the implementation of the Roadmap. In addition to
Israel's comments regarding the necessity of Palestinian action
against terrorism and incitement, the comments also state
Israel's non-acceptance of the Palestinian claim regarding
the return of refugees. In accepting the steps set out by
the Roadmap, the Government of Israel clarified that the resolution
of the issue of the refugees will not include their entry
into or settlement within the State of Israel.
return to top
|
| |
|
What is Israel's position on
a Palestinian state?
|
| |
|
Israel has no desire to rule over the Palestinians. While
this is an important aspect of Israel's position on the establishment
of a Palestinian state, Israel's security and other vital
rights and interests also play an important role. Under no
circumstances could Israel accept the establishment of a terrorist
state on its borders.
In his speech at the June 4, 2003 Aqaba Summit meeting with
U.S. President Bush and then Palestinian Prime Minister Abbas,
Prime Minister Sharon had the following to say about a Palestinian
state:
"Israel, like others, has lent its strong support for
President Bush's vision, expressed on June 24, 2002, of two
states - Israel and a Palestinian state - living side by side
in peace and security. The government and people of Israel
welcome the opportunity to renew direct negotiations according
to the steps of the roadmap as adopted by the Israeli government
to achieve this vision."
It is in Israel's interest not to govern the Palestinians
but for the Palestinians to govern themselves in their own
state. A democratic Palestinian state fully at peace with
Israel will promote the long-term security and well-being
of Israel as a Jewish state.
We can also reassure our
Palestinian partners that we understand the importance of
territorial contiguity in the West Bank, for a viable, Palestinian
state.
In this same speech, Prime Minister Sharon emphasized that
"there can be no peace, however, without the abandonment
and elimination of terrorism, violence and incitement."
Not only is this a fundamental condition that has been stipulated
in detail in the first phase of the Roadmap, but without its
fulfillment, the establishment of a Palestinian state would
mean the establishment of a terrorist state along Israel's
borders, and that would be unacceptable.
Any discussion on the creation of a Palestinian state should
concentrate on the nature of that state. Its parameters, including
final borders, are to be negotiated between Israel and the
Palestinians. Other elements are also critical to Israel's
security. Efforts towards establishing a Palestinian state
must take Israel's rights and vital interests into account,
especially on matters of security, so that there can be peace
and stability in the region.
return to top
|
| |
|
Why is Arafat not a partner for
peace?
|
| |
|
At the start of the peace process between Israel and the
Palestinians in 1993, Yasser Arafat gave an explicit pledge
to abandon terrorism and to commit to the principle that the
conflict can only be resolved through negotiations. In the
ten years since then, over 1100 Israelis have been murdered
in acts of terrorism (over 900 of them since September 2000).
Arafat is directly to blame for this terrorism and for the
grievous damage the violence has done to the peace process.
In his letter of September 9, 1993 to Israeli Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin, Yasser Arafat pledged that "the PLO renounces
the use of terrorism and other acts of violence" and
that the PLO commits itself "to a peaceful resolution
of the conflict between the two sides and declares that all
outstanding issues relating to permanent status will be resolved
through negotiations."
The entire peace process had been predicated on Arafat's
promise. Regrettably, he decided to breach that commitment
and pursue a strategy of armed struggle. Palestinian terrorists
attacked Israelis even during the early years of the peace
process, despite the progress being made in negotiations.
Finally in September 2000, following Arafat's rejection of
the peace settlement offered by U.S. President Clinton and
Israeli Prime Minister Barak at Camp David in July of that
year, Arafat chose to intensify the violence, a decision confirmed
in statements made by Palestinian officials.
On December 6, 2000, the semi-official Palestinian daily
Al-Ayyam reported as follows:
|
| |
|
Speaking at a symposium in Gaza, Palestinian Minister of
Communications, Imad Al-Falouji, confirmed that the Palestinian
Authority had begun preparations for the outbreak of the current
Intifada from the moment the Camp David talks concluded, this
in accordance with instructions given by Chairman Arafat himself.
Mr. Falouji went on to state that Arafat launched this Intifada
as a culminating stage to the immutable Palestinian stance
in the negotiations, and was not meant merely as a protest
of Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon's visit to the Temple
Mount."
|
|
Yasser Arafat's personal involvement in terrorism is clear.
Not only has he done nothing to stop terrorism, but he has
aided and abetted it, using it as a tool to pressure Israel.
Arafat has signed the checks that fund terrorist groups and
their activities, approved the smuggling of arms (as was so
dramatically seen with the arms shipment found aboard the
Karine A in January 2002), and shielded wanted terrorists
in his own headquarters. Significantly, Arafat's own faction,
Fatah (the Al-Aksa Brigades), and his special bodyguard unit,
Force 17, have actively engaged in terrorism.
|

Suicide bombing of bus no. 14 in center of Jerusalem (11 June
2003)
|
| |
|
Since 1993, Arafat has used the language of jihad (holy war)
in many of his speeches and declarations. Consistently finding
excuses for terrorism (even while paying lip service to condemnations
of it) and by attempting to co-opt Hamas and other terror
groups (rather than dismantling them as required, for example,
by the Roadmap) - Arafat shows that he has no intention of
ending terrorism. Arafat has proven, time and again, that
he cannot be trusted, that his commitments are without value,
and that he will not deliver when it comes to his promises.
But, beyond that, Arafat has failed his own people. His rejection
of the offers and concessions made by Israel at Camp David
in the summer of 2000 blocked the fulfillment then of Palestinian
aspirations within the context of a peace agreement with Israel.
Nearly three years later, Arafat's undermining of Palestinian
Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) which led to Abbas'
resignation in September 2003 caused major damage to efforts
to advance the Roadmap that would potentially have fulfilled
international aspirations to promote the peace process. Moreover,
the rampant corruption within the Palestinian Authority, the
disappearance of millions of dollars and euros into the pockets
of Arafat and his cronies, and his refusal to carry out genuine
reform of the Palestinian Authority - demonstrate that it
is not the Palestinian people's interest that he has at heart,
but Arafat's interest.
Israel is prepared to negotiate with any Palestinian leader
who lives up to the Palestinian obligations and commitments
that are vital to a successful peace process, first and foremost
- fighting terrorism and ending incitement that nurtures hatred
and violence. For many years, Israel hoped that Arafat was
that kind of leader, but the last three years especially have
shown that he is not.
Israel has no intention of telling the Palestinians whom
they should choose as their leader. However, Israel has no
obligation to deal with one who has shown repeatedly that
he cannot be trusted and whose word means nothing. Israel
is interested in a genuine peace process with a partner who
will work for peace. Israel is not interested in a futile
and barren exercise that will ultimately yield nothing but
continued conflict and anguish. Israel desires a genuine partner
for peace. Arafat is not that partner.
return to top
|
| |
|
How does incitement harm peace?
|
| |
|
There is a direct connection between anti-Israeli and antisemitic
incitement and terrorism. The incitement and extreme anti-Israel
indoctrination that is so pervasive in Palestinian society
nurture a culture of hatred that, in turn, leads to terrorism.
The many attempts to bring an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict
are known, not coincidentally, as the peace process. The transition
from a state of war to a state of peace is not the result
of just a one-time diplomatic act of signing an agreement.
Rather it is a process that continues over time, a process
that demands a mutual effort to change positions, values,
and the perception of the former enemy. It requires a transition
to a new paradigm, the creation of a new state of mind.
In a number of Arab countries and in Palestinian society
the struggle against Israel takes center stage, and the call
to destroy Israel has been at the core of their social-cultural-political
ethos. In some Arab societies, this situation prevails to
this very day. The Palestinians' vehement anti-Israel rhetoric
has had a crippling impact throughout the region on efforts
for peace. The intense coverage of the Palestinian perspective
of events and incitement from Palestinian spokespersons have
enflamed anti-Israeli sentiments in Arab countries, even influencing
many pro-peace Arab states to downgrade their ties with Israel.
Palestinian incitement causes violence in the short term,
while in the long term it reduces the chances for peace and
reconciliation between Israel and its neighbors.
|
|
The Palestinian education system, media, literature, songs,
theater and cinema are mobilized for extreme anti-Israel indoctrination,
which at times degenerates into blatant antisemitism. The
incitement to hatred and violence is pervasive almost everywhere
in Palestinian society: in nursery schools and kindergartens,
youth movements, schools, universities, mosque sermons, and
street demonstrations. This creates a culture of hatred and
violence, which in turn provides fertile ground for terrorism
and murder.
|

Brandishing toy guns at a Palestinian kindergarten graduation
ceremony
|
|
Incitement against Israel has many faces. It begins by totally
ignoring the very existence of the State of Israel. The maps
in the schools and universities do not bear even the name
of Israel, nor a large number of its cities and towns. Beyond
that, the incitement extols the names and deeds of the suicide
bombers, names football teams after them, and holds the terrorists
up as models to be emulated. The incitement includes antisemitic
cartoons that use the same kind of motifs and imagery that
were used against the Jews during the Nazi era.
The question that must be asked is what kind of future does
the industry of incitement offer the next generation, which
is growing up learning to hate. Will that young generation
be capable of thinking in terms of peace, of good neighborliness,
of tolerance and compromise? Can Palestinian society create
the new state of mind that is needed for peace, which is more
than just signing a peace treaty?
One cannot ignore the intensity of the feelings that exist
on both sides of the conflict in the Middle East. Feelings
of deep anger and frustration exist on Israel's side as well.
But, there is a huge difference between feeling anger and
frustration, on the one hand, and promoting a culture of hatred,
on the other.
Unlike a large part of Palestinian society, Israeli society
sees peace as the noblest of goals, its highest of aspirations
on both the individual and national level. The desire for
peace, for calm and for the normalization of day-to-day life
is at the very center of Israel's being and culture. The thousands
of songs, books, artistic works, and articles that have been
written about peace in Israel, since the very establishment
of the state, are too numerous to mention. Peace is an important
core value, the greatest dream of every mother and father,
the embodiment of the Zionist idea which envisages Israel
living in peace and cooperation with all its neighbors.
There is no legitimate reason why Israeli children learn
about peace and coexistence in their schools, while in contrast
Palestinian children are learning to honor the suicide bombers
and jihad. Those who desire peace should educate for peace,
and not promote hatred and murder.
return to top
|
| |
|
What should be the Arab world's
role?
|
| |
|
Israel desires peace with all Arab countries. Moreover, the
Arab states have the potential to make an important and positive
contribution to the peace process as well as change the face
of the region for the better. But, for this to happen, they
must stop supporting terrorist activities. They must cease
incitement and antisemitic propaganda against Israel which
do nothing but generate further hatred and provide a fertile
ground for terrorism. The Arab world's policy of confrontation
towards Israel should be replaced by a policy of dialogue.
Palestinian and other terrorist organizations in the Middle
East receive support, including funds and arms, from various
Arab countries. Some Arab states, among them Syria, along
with Iran back the most violent and dangerous terrorist organizations,
such as Hizbollah. Syria hosts the headquarters and training
bases of several Palestinian terror organizations, including
Hamas and Islamic Jihad. This support must stop so that terrorism
can be brought to an end. Only then will peace efforts have
the chance to succeed.
In recent years, the most extreme forms of anti-Israel incitement
have been allowed to flourish in Arab countries, recalling
earlier periods of the Arab-Israel conflict. There is a proliferation
of antisemitic propaganda in mosques and in schools, in the
state media and in academia. This racist material, similar
to that used in ages past against the Jewish people - such
as blood-libels and the so-called "Elders of Zion"
- generates further hatred and provides a fertile ground for
terrorism.
|
|
While there are no illusions that the Arab states will agree
with Israel on the specific issues in dispute, they should
agree that resolving those issues will involve compromises
from both sides. Israel cannot be expected to accept ultimatums
or "take-it-or-leave-it" propositions, such as the
decisions of the Arab League's Beirut Summit in late March
2002, which were based on the Saudi initiative. Those decisions
stated, in effect, that peace would be made with Israel only
if Israel were to accede to all Arab demands and conditions;
Israel's rights and interests were totally ignored as was
the need for negotiations and compromise to resolve all outstanding
issues.
|

Leaders of Egypt, the U.S. and Israel clasp hands at Israel-Egypt
peace treaty ceremony
(26 March 1979)
|
|
Israel believes that the way towards peace requires using
all appropriate venues for dialogue and working for regional
cooperation. The Barcelona Process (which envisages European-Mediterranean
cooperation) and multilateral talks on such subjects as water,
refugees, arms control, environment and economic development
should be reinvigorated. In this way, issues that affect the
lives of all who live in the region can be addressed. That,
in turn, would create a positive atmosphere that would enhance
efforts to resolve the difficult political issues of the peace
process.
President Anwar Sadat of Egypt and King Hussein of Jordan
showed real leadership in making peace with Israel. Countries
like Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (which also played a key role
in promoting peace) can contribute by showing the rest of
the Arab world the way to enter into peaceful and cooperative
relations with Israel.
return to top
|
|
|