Thank you for the warm introduction, Joe. I
also wish to thank the Oxford Alumni
Association for hosting this event, and the
Yale and Oxford Alumni here with us today.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is an honor to join you this evening, as we
discuss the current state of
Palestinian-Israeli relations, Israeli policy,
and the prospects for peace.
Before I begin, I would like to remind you
that Israel is more than the headlines. In
just fifty-three years, we have embraced
millions of immigrants from over one
hundred countries, increased our population
ten-fold, and developed a modern State,
brimming with infinite potential.
In the late sixties- at the height of the
Vietnam War- Lyndon Johnson told Golda
Meir that he was impressed with Israel's
military capabilities and joked that he
would like to borrow several Israeli
generals. To this, Golda responded, that he
could have some Israeli generals if we could
trade them for some of his. Specifically,
General Electric, General Dynamics, and
General Motors.
Today, this is no longer needed. At the dawn
of the new millenium, Israel stands as one
of the most technologically advanced
countries in the world.
In the past fifty-three years, we have built
a model economy, an unprecedented
military infrastructure, and a renowned
educational system. We have ingathered the
exiles and created a single nation out of an
immigrant population. We have built over
one thousand cities, towns, and kibbutzim,
out of sand dunes, swamps, and ancient
ruins.
Most importantly, we have worked to
promote peace, stability, and democracy in
the Middle East, while protecting Western
strategic interests in the region.
One of the most profound examples of this
occurred twenty years ago last month, when
Israel destroyed the Osirak nuclear reactor
in Iraq. In fact, this operation was
implemented under my command, while I
served as head of the Israeli Air Force.
The destruction of the Osirak reactor
changed the course of strategic
development in the Middle East. Had we not
gone ahead with this mission, Iraq's nuclear
program would have reached completion,
posing a grave threat to Israel, the region,
and potentially, the entire world.
Ten years later, the United States and
Britain led an international coalition against
Iraq in the Gulf War. It then became clear
that Israel had effectively delayed Iraq's
multi-billion dollar effort to develop
nuclear weapons.
In fact, hanging in my office is an aerial
photo of the complex where the reactor
once stood, with an inscription from
then-Defense Secretary, Richard Cheney. It
reads, "with thanks for the destruction of
the reactor, which made our job much easier
in Desert Storm."
This operation was just one illustration of
the critical partnership that exists between
Israel and the United States, which is based
upon shared values, and common strategic
interests. Our relationship is the
cornerstone of stability in the Middle East,
and a safeguard for future generations.
Successive U.S. Administrations, have
played a vital role in ensuring the security
of the Jewish State since 1948. This unique
partnership has helped build our modern
nation, and enhance our qualitative edge.
Now that we have reached a dangerous
moment in the history of the Middle East,
we must continue to stand together, as
partners and friends. The future of the
region depends on it.
Abba Eban used to describe the Middle East
by telling the well-known story of the duck
and scorpion attempting to cross the Suez
Canal. The scorpion asked for a ride,
assuring the duck that he wouldn't sting him.
He stated, "if I sting you, then we'll both
drown."
Sure enough, half way across the canal, the
scorpion stung the duck. As they were both
gasping for air, the duck asked, "what made
you do it?" The scorpion said, "what do you
expect? This is the Middle East."
In our region, there is no pity for the weak.
And, as Henry Kissinger put it, no second
chance for the defeated. Once you
understand this, you can grasp the
complexities facing Israel, and the
challenges that have emerged over the past
year.
At the Camp David Summit last July, former
Prime Minister Barak went beyond any
other Israeli leader before him, in offering
the Palestinians the most far-reaching
peace proposal in the history of the
Arab-Israeli conflict.
However, the Palestinians rejected our
offer, refused to produce a counter-offer,
and opted for violence. The Palestinian
leadership made a strategic decision to
regress at a time when Israel was prepared
to move forward. As a member of a
prominent Washington think-tank
announced, "the Palestinians left the Israeli
bride at the altar."
Camp David demonstrated the Palestinians'
unwillingness to compromise at a time when
Israel was prepared to make painful
concessions for peace. In fact, in last week's
New Yorker a PA official - Marwan
Barghouti- announced that the Palestinians
were unwilling to accept anything less than
100% of the West Bank and Gaza.
When asked whether 100% would bring an
end to the conflict, he responded "Then we
could talk about bigger things." Clearly, we
are not on the same page. The Palestinians
would rather engage in conflict than
compromise.
Since Camp David, we have witnessed the
collapse of the peace process, the
deterioration of Palestinian-Israeli
relations, and the onset of Palestinian
terror.
Over the last nine and a half months, Israel
has endured a sustained campaign of terror,
which has included more than six thousand
armed attacks against Israeli soldiers and
civilians, averaging some thirty incidents a
day.
There have been eighteen suicide bombings
since September, and over eighty
attempted bombing attacks, including car
bombs and suicide attackers. Eleven of
which were in shopping malls, intended to
inflict mass civilian casualties.
Just last month, a suicide bomber
detonated himself while standing in a
crowded line of young people, at a popular
nightclub on the Tel Aviv beach. Killing
twenty-one Israelis, and injuring one
hundred and fifteen, most of them new
immigrants from Russia.
These and other acts of terror are the
result of a clear Palestinian decision to use
violence as a strategic tool for achieving
what they failed to attain through
negotiations.
In fact, there is no "cycle of violence."
There is only violence, and its response.
Israel holds the Palestinian Authority
responsible for these terrorist attacks in
light of its encouragement, incitement, and
direct participation in the violence.
The Israeli government is confident that
the PA has the ability to control the
situation. As former U.S. Ambassador to
Israel, Martin Indyk, stated two weeks ago,
"If Arafat and the Palestinian security
services would make 100% effort, there
would be 100% success."
For almost ten months, we have urged
Arafat to renounce the violence, end the
incitement and create an environment
conducive to peaceful negotiations but to
no avail.
Since the outbreak of violence last
September, the Palestinian leadership has
released hundreds of imprisoned
terrorists, and facilitated numerous
attacks against Israeli civilians. In fact, the
major thrust behind the violence has been
Force Seventeen, Arafat's own Presidential
Guard.
Clearly, the line between peace partner and
adversary has been erased. Arafat has
created a terror coalition in the areas
under his control. He has adopted a strategy
of escalation, to provoke an Israeli counter
response, and destabilize the region.
Israel has made every effort to end this
conflict, and each attempt has failed. We
have engaged in bilateral commitments
with the PA, last fall in Paris, then at Sharm
el-Sheik. But the Palestinians have violated
the agreed upon terms each and every time.
Even after the terrible bombing in Tel Aviv,
Israel has attempted to move forward, in
accordance with the recommendations
outlined in the Mitchell Committee Report
and the Tenet Working Paper.
This sequence is based upon the total and
unconditional cessation of violence, to be
followed by a seven-day period of
complete calm. Once this has occurred, we
will proceed to the six-week cooling off
period, implement confidence building
measures, and eventually return to the
negotiating table.
However, we cannot make progress along
this timetable, until each phase is
carried-out by both parties. This has not
yet begun.
There has not been one day without
terrorist attacks since September. As we
stand firmly behind our policy of restraint,
the violence continues to rage, and Israelis
continue to die.
In fact, since the Palestinian declaration of
a cease-fire on June 13th sixteen Israelis
have been killed, in over five hundred acts
of terror. These incidents include a suicide
bombing Monday at a crowded train station,
numerous drive-by shootings, mortar
attacks inside Jerusalem, and an attempt to
bomb the site of the 2001 Jewish Olympics
on the day they were to commence.
Arafat's declared cease-fire will only be
realized if the Palestinian Authority takes
all steps to bring an end to the violence.
These include, a complete cessation of
incitement in the Palestinian media and
schools, the immediate arrest of all known
terrorists, the confiscation of illegal
weapons, and the prevention of all further
terrorist activity aimed at Israel.
The Palestinians' failure to implement these
necessary steps, and the absence of
complete quiet, are precluding the
initiation of the Mitchell sequence.
We are now watching and waiting. It is up to
Arafat to prove - in practice, not just words
- that he is truly committed to ending the
violence. Mere declarations are no longer
sufficient. The true test will be based upon
actions, and of course, results.
Arafat would prefer to conduct a political
dialogue with Israel while continuing to
exercise violence as a device to win
maximum political concessions, but our
resolve is firm. Israel will only negotiate
once the terrorism, violence, and
incitement are brought to a complete and
decisive end.
Despite the continued provocations by the
Palestinian Authority, Prime Minister
Sharon is exercising true leadership and
maximum restraint. Amidst heavy political
pressure to respond to the ongoing
Palestinian violence, Prime Minister Sharon
has maintained his commitment to a
cease-fire. But our policy of restraint
cannot continue indefinitely.
The world must understand that our
restraint has limits.
Israel has the right, and indeed the
obligation, to protect is citizens, in keeping
with the fundamental principle of
self-defense as enshrined in international
law and the charter of the United Nations.
Israel- like any other modern nation- can
not and will not endure the continuation of
violence against innocent civilians. Arafat
must be made to understand that the
international community will not sit back
and watch terror unfold in the Middle East.
The stability of the entire region now lies in
the balance. The threats to peace in the
Middle East are unpredictable, dangerous,
and increasingly difficult to contain.
We believe that the Palestinian strategy is
aimed at internationalizing the conflict, in
an attempt to force Israel to concede its
vital interests.
At the same time, Saddam Hussien is
exploiting the rising tensions to regain
regional dominance. While Iran and Syria
continue to infiltrate vast quantities of
arms to the Palestinians, and encourage
Hezbollah attacks on Northern Israel.
These provocations threaten our
relationship with even moderate Arab
regimes, and pose a growing danger to the
entire Middle East. We are facing severe
challenges, with no easy solutions.
Israel is committed to resolving the
conflict, and building the bridge leading to a
peaceful future. It is now up to the
Palestinians to heed our calls for
reconciliation and peace.
History tells us that there is no alternative.
Over the last decade, the Palestinians have
reached historic achievements through
peaceful negotiations with Israel. The
Palestinians have never gained anything
through violence. Israel has not, and will
never, yield to political intimidation.
Anwar Sadat came to Jerusalem and won the
hearts and minds of Israelis by declaring,
"no more war, no more bloodshed." The Sinai
Peninsula was returned to Egypt as a result
of this peace offering.
The late King Hussein of Jordan achieved a
lasting peace with Israel not through
violence, but through good-faith
negotiations between neighbors and
friends.
Today, we call on Arafat to follow in the
footsteps of these great leaders and
abandon the use of violence as a political
tool.
Israel is a small but strong nation, which has
withstood great adversity in the past. As
Golda Meir once said "Zionism and
pessimism are inherently incompatible."
Israel's history is living proof of this.
We have demonstrated that the might of a
people does not lie in numbers, but in the
will and spirit of a nation. We have fulfilled
the dreams of our ancestors. We have
ingathered the exiles and made the desert
bloom. We have emerged from the shadows
of the Holocaust into the light of
possibilities. We have overcome great
challenges in the past, and we will not stop
now.
Working together with the United States,
other Western nations, and moderate Arab
regimes, Israel will make every effort to
promote peace and stability in the Middle
East. We are determined to overcome the
challenges that lie ahead. And find a lasting
peace for the future, for our children, and
for generations to come.
Thank you. I now open the floor to a
discussion. |