First Annual Israeli Ambassador's Address to the
Washington Jewish Community
November 27, 2001Thank you, Eric, for the warm introduction. And thank you to the Jewish Community Council of Greater Washington, the Jewish Community Center of Greater Washington, and the Jewish Federation for organizing this event. Finally, I wish to thank all of you- the Washington Jewish community- for inviting me to address you today.
It is an honor to initiate the first annual Israeli Ambassador's address to your community.
First and foremost, I wish to express my deep appreciation to you for your kindness, friendship, and support. Since arriving in Washington nearly two years ago, you have embraced Ofra and me with open arms. For this, we are extremely grateful.
I also wish to thank you for your unwavering support of Israel. Israel has had no greater friend than the American Jewish community, and no stronger advocates than the pro-Israel voices in Washington.Your message of solidarity and support is heard loud and clear. From Washington to Jerusalem, Israel and the United States stand hand-in-hand in the defense of freedom, and the pursuit of peace. Now, more than ever, we need your ongoing support.
Today, I speak to you not only as an Ambassador, but also as a dedicated Zionist, a Sabra, and most importantly, a Jew.Yes, I am a Sabra. I was born in 1934 in Gedera, which was established by the Bilu movement in 1882 during the first aliyah to Palestine. My parents immigrated in 1934, in pursuit of the Zionist dream. As soon as we arrived, my father changed his name to Ivry- or "Hebrew"- and pledged never to leave.
In fact, when I was accepted in an Air Force lieutenant program in Britain in 1956, I was the first person from my family to leave Israel- even for a short time- and my father wasn't very happy about it.
For the first fourteen years of my life, I lived under the British mandate, as part of the Yishuv. This was a time when the Israeli people were only a nation, and not yet a state.
Though some of you have not known a time when Israel did not exist, I know too well the blood, tears, and many lives that enabled the establishment of our state.
In 1948, we were only six hundred thousand Jews with rifles, machine guns, and hand grenades, up against three Arab armies, equipped with tanks and airplanes. It is because of this memory that we cannot take Israel's existence for granted, and we must work vigilantly to defend our fifty-three years of achievement.
I was only a teenager during the Holocaust, the single worst period in the history of the Jewish people. It was at this dark moment in history that our very existence was jeopardized and our nation scarred forever.As the time separating us from the Holocaust has grown, the voices of Holocaust denial, anti-Semitism, and hatred have increased. This hatred has been incorporated into modern-day political agendas, as was demonstrated at this summer's UN Conference on Racism in Durban, South Africa.
Instead of heeding calls for social action, Durban was primarily focused upon increasing hatred against Jews and negating Israel's right to exist. Ironically, this conference on racism clearly demonstrated that anti-Semitism remains strong. Or, as an Israeli journalist noted, that "the road from Bergen-Belsen to Durban is shorter than we think."
In the Middle East, this increasing wave of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism has manifested itself in the media and education where technologies are utilized as a weapon of war and schools are utilized as breeding grounds for hate.The Arab-speaking media is spreading messages that glorify suicide bombings and promotes violence against innocent civilians as a tool for achieving political goals. At the same time, children are taught from textbooks that deny Israel's right to exist.
Children in the Middle East are not born to hate. They are taught to hate. Their hatred towards Israel and the United States is the direct result of incitement and political manipulation.
After the tragedy of September 11th, the world has been awakened to the danger of incitement, the price of ignorance, and the pain of war. Hatred has once again proved to be the most devastating threat to our future.
During my days as a fighter pilot I defended Israel from the skies. In the air, the threats were clear, the fight was fair, and the Israeli Air Force could be victorious- and we were.Things have changed dramatically since then. The world's greatest challenges are no longer visible on the radar screen. Rather, democratic nations face a new type of struggle characterized by an elusive and global threat.
Territorial conflicts have been replaced by faceless enemies that know no borders. They lie in the shadows of beliefs. And surface in the promotion of violence motivated by hate.
We are now facing an organized infrastructure of terror that has manifested itself throughout the globe, and threatens the fundamental principles upon which our two nations were built.
Radical Islamic leaders have waged a war against the values that Israel and the United States share. Predominantly, democracy, freedom, modernization, and the promotion of peace.
This threat has been realized in recent weeks, and the world has been awakened to its devastation. The events of September eleventh demonstrated that terror is not just a regional problem. It is a global threat.
Whether in the streets of Jerusalem, or the skies above America, all acts of terror pose a grave danger to mankind.
Unfortunately, there are those who have begun to exploit the tragedy of September eleventh. They claim that it was a result of U.S. policy toward Israel in the wake of the failed peace process.
This is a dangerous and false argument that bin Laden has used to expand his support in the Islamic world. Al Quaeda's identification with the Palestinian cause is no more than a cynical attempt to justify mass murder by exploiting a sensitive conflict.
In fact, we now know that preparations for the attacks on September eleventh began three to five years ago, while hope for the peace process was at its peak.
Israel is not the cause of international terrorism. Like the United States, it is a victim of its devastation.
For fourteen months, Israel has faced a sustained campaign of terror characterized by Palestinian violence, incitement, and hollow promises of peace. As violence continues to rage, Arafat's credibility continues to weaken, because his words are not met with action on the ground.
Despite his promises, Arafat has done next to nothing to dismantle the terrorist networks operating openly under his control. On the contrary, he has encouraged, promoted, and aided their efforts.
This is most evident in his refusal to re-arrest known terrorists, including the masterminds of the Tel Aviv discotheque and Jerusalem pizzeria bombings this summer, and the murderers of the late Minister of Tourism, Rechavam Ze'evi.
Some have questioned Arafat's ability to curb the violence. He has proven time and again, it is not a matter of ability. It is a matter of will.
It is clear that after Camp David, the Palestinians made the strategic decision to use terror as a means of attaining what they failed to achieve through negotiations. In choosing to evade his basic obligation to prevent terror, Arafat bears the ultimate responsibility for the loss of innocent lives.
Like all nations of the world, Israel must now defend itself against fundamental threats posed against it.
It is important to understand that you cannot fight terror only with punishment, for punishment does not deter those ready and willing to die for their cause. The world has learned that you must fight terror with prevention.
Israel, like America, is now forced to engage in a preemptive struggle against terror to defend our vital interests, and protect our citizens from harm.
We cannot afford to sit back and let terror unfold.
This is not only a policy decision. It is a humanitarian necessity, and a basic security obligation of the state. Of course, this is not something new to Israel.
In 1981, I commanded one of the largest preemptive strikes in Israeli history, the bombing of the Osirak nuclear reactor in Iraq. Despite opposition within Israel and abroad, this defensive operation proved essential to American and Israeli interests alike.
Ten years later, Dick Cheney told me that if Israel not made this preemptive attack, the Gulf War may have yielded a different result.
It is in this same vein that Israel must defend itself today, and act against those elements that threaten a future of peace.
Today Israel unites with America in our determination to protect the values that we both cherish, and defend the sanctity of human life.
America's victory in the war on terror is a necessity to the United States, but it is also of vital importance to Israel, and the stability of the entire Middle East.
The events of the past year have clearly demonstrated that the U.S. and Israel are forever partners in the pursuit of security and peace.
The American departure from Durban, the Administration's refusal to invite Arafat to Washington, the American veto of anti-Israel resolutions in the UN Security Council, and a pro-Israel letter recently signed by eighty-nine Senators, all underscore the strength of our special bond.
Recently there has been speculation regarding a new U.S. plan for solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which would undermine Israeli interests. I would like to confirm that this is not the case.
As President Bush outlined in his speech to the UN General Assembly, and Secretary of State Colin Powell emphasized last week, the U.S. and Israel are working side-by-side to seek a resolution to this conflict.
Israel is fully satisfied by the assurances of the Bush Administration that it will not be isolated in the international arena, and it will not pay a price for this coalition.
For its part, Israel has assured the Bush Administration that it will not threaten regional stability, provoke an escalation of the conflict, or seek the destruction of the Palestinian Authority.
This mutual understanding serves as a testament to the unwavering friendship that exists between Israel and the United States.
A friendship built upon dedication and trust, enhanced by common interests, and strengthened by the dedication of American Jewry. For this, I wish to thank each and every one of you here today.
With the united efforts of our two great nations, we will overcome the challenges that lie ahead. And in the end, Israel and the United States will prevail in our shared struggle for peace.
Thank you for your solidarity with Israel and your unwavering support. I now welcome your questions.
